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Last edited by visceral; Aug 13, 2019 at 09:25 PM.
My personal account of the EU, and the growing surge of demand for gender equality


Although those skeptical of the EU’s potential for positive impact on gender equality have highlighted the importance of noneconomic issues in gender inequality, this analysis has demonstrated that the ostensibly noneconomic nature of these issues has merely slowed (rather than prevented) EU engagement with these domains. This is because the different domains of the gender regime are interconnected in practice, not sealed into separate compartments of economic and noneconomic issues. When gender relations are understood as part of a gender regime, as a system, not a series of dispersed separate pheno- mena, then it is possible to see how such a wide range of inequalities may be addressed by the EU, and the specific merits of the EU regime compared to those that are developing in the United States or Asia. The particular ways gender relations are brought into the public realm are seen to matter, and the dimensions of state (versus market-led) policy making, voice for particular groups in decision making, and degrees of attention to inequality are independently crucial for making this assessment.



I have attempted to outline the new kind of gender regime devel- oping within the European Union with distinctive patterns of gender inequality. The EU’s new variety of gender regime has a public form shaped by a distinctive institutionalized practice of social inclusion articulated through a new employment-based set of regulations. Against the claims about convergence and the erosion of difference between polities offered by some theorists of globalization and of the world polity, I argue there is something distinctive here. The EU as a polity is important in the path-dependent creation of a new model of gender regime.



Both the extent of and limits to the importance of the EU for the feminist project of achieving gender equality can be best understood within the analytic context of a theory of gender regime. This allows for nuances and interconnections that cannot be captured in single- dimensional models of gender relations, which rest either on the dif- fusion of sex equality norms or the institutionalization of male bread- winner/dual-earner family forms. These cannot adequately capture the complexity of the interrelationships between the political and economic domains of the gender regime.



The EU’s development of regulations of employment(edited) in relation to gender has been distinctive from the mid-1970s onward. Early Direct- ives were confined narrowly to the equal treatment of women and men as workers in standard forms of employment, but more recently these have been significantly extended so as to embed the rights of worker-careers in employment through the regulation of working time and to regulate nonstandard forms of employment, especially part-time and temporary work. EU policies promote not only the closing of gender gaps in the extent of paid work and level of pay but address gender equality more generally. Some of the wider effects are the result of the growing reach of EU regulation, and some are the result of the interconnectedness of the domains of the gender regime. Nevertheless, there remains much unevenness in the implementation of these policies across EU Member States.




The development of these policies and their implementation depends on a wider context. One part of this political context for gen- der equality is mobilization of support for women, present in numerous locations including a special unit within the commission, women members of the European Parliament, and civil society, especially in trade unions and the European Women’s Lobby. A further part is the successful coordination of gender concerns with a project for con- structing a distinctive form of capitalism that defines social inclusion and full employment as means to develop a globally competitive regional economy. These political projects and institutions articulate with other institutions in the economy and civil society.


As the EU becomes increasingly important through the deepening of its powers, the increasing number of Member States, and increased impact in global governance, this new form of the gender regime grows in importance. What role it plays as a model or con- straint on other, non-Member States remains to be seen.
Last edited by Cludde; Aug 16, 2019 at 08:22 PM.
It is practically impossible to discuss women’s education in Saudi Arabia without introducing
the social and political forces that have shaped women’s status not only in education but in
society in general. Women’s role in education in Saudi Arabia’s conservative society, instead of
serving as a tool for social change, serves as a force for conservation. Education entrenches and
supports the prevailing class and gender structures and conforms to socio-economic and
political expectations, and control mechanisms. As El-Sanabary suggests,
education in Saudi Arabia is a ‘microcosm’. Despite the fact that the society and the tradition
favour men’s education over women’s, the disparity between boys and girls in the unequal
distribution of educational funds is a logical reflection of gender hierarchies in the overall
society. It is worth being optimistic. Altorki concludes in her research, on Saudi women with a
note of optimism. She stresses the changes and improvements that have opened up more space
for women in the public sphere.
Looking at women’s education in Saudi one should consider all sides of the issues. Studies have
shown how women’s education is taking another route. In his study entitled Perception
of Female Students from the Countries of the Arab Gulf, Al Kotob interviewed 519 women
students. He notes that 79 per cent of his respondents agreed strongly that women should have
the same opportunities as men, 70 per cent insisted that Master’s and Doctorate level degrees
are suitable for women in the Gulf region, and 80 per cent indicated that university education
should be co-educational. With regards to marriage, 94.8 per cent of the participants supported
education prior to marriage. In relation to the subjects of study available to women, 94.2 per
cent agreed that women should not be confined to certain subjects and should be able to study
in any field. Sixty-six per cent of the participants believed that a husband’s education should
exceed that of his wife. However, research shows that economic problems may influence a
social shift on issues around women’s education. For example, many men consider a college or
university graduate partner as a vital asset in a potential marriage, believing an educated woman
can contribute to the income of the family. Ironically, a
study by Abobaker on male university students conducted in 1980 showed that 70 per cent of
men would not prefer to marry an educated college graduate, nor did they want their wives to
participate in the house budget since they considered that a threat to their authority.
More recently, a question raised again and discussed in the Consultative Council concerning
Saudi women’s education was that if women stayed for too long in school (the average stay is
12 years before university) would they be considered undesirable for marriage? Would women
with Master’s and Doctoral level degrees have compromised their chances for marriage? Recent
statistics released by the Saudi Ministry of Planning and Human Resources indicate that
the number of single women is increasing dramatically. The primary reason being cited for this
trend is the increase in women’s education. The study also shows that the number of single
women is climbing toward one third of the total number of women in the country. These
unmarried women have passed what in Saudi Arabia is considered the marriageable age of 30
years. The projected numbers given for the end of 2002 was 1,813,000 women. This number
was expected to increase to four million in five years unless the government supports plan to
change the nation’s view of educated women.
Moreover, it is stunning how the issues of women’s rights in Saudi Arabia have became a
dominant subject in Western media. Why are Saudi women such a hot topic? Saudi women’s
education and issues guarantee the author a high publishing rate. In addition, many nonacademic materials promote stereotypical images of Saudi women as exotic and erotic. These
kinds of books and articles exacerbate the lives of Saudi women in their own country, especially
in as much as they need the support of the international community in order to challenge the
power of some conservative religious scholars and old ‘sexist’ traditions. Part of the media war
used against Saudi Arabia does not care about women’s rights as much as they care about
political hegemony over the resources of the ‘Third World’ including Saudi oil. Be that as it
may, an education system must carry out a mission to implement open-mindedness and
understanding. This would allow students and the next generation to be strong in facing the
challenge of Western hegemony. Western values might not be suitable for Saudi people, just as
the views of conservative religious scholars and old traditions that favour men would not be
suitable. There are conservative religious ideologies on both counts. On one side (in the Saudi
view) are powerful conservative religious scholars, and on the other is the Bush ideology,
“you’re either with us or against us.”
Both are extreme and both are causing problems. The
Saudi education system and curricula needs to implement different strategies for looking at the
other people with whom we disagree. On a macro level, recent changes in the international
arena have opened the door to changes that were not attainable in the recent past. Space is
allowed in the Saudi press for honest reflection as never before. Saudi columnists are able to
constructively criticise the system’s performance in the health, education, and women’s rights
sectors. This is of itself a great relief for both men and women who have long felt deprived of
freedom of speech. Both women and men are hopeful for signs of slow but steady change
occurring in the country.
The future developmental plans must be able to tackle problems of increased economic
demands, segregation of the sexes, limitations of women’s jobs and the cultural and religious
heritage. If the country plans to survive this globalised era women’s education
in all fields should be a priority. Educated open-minded individual’s’ demands would bring
changes and progress but to what extent? Is Saudi society ready for that change? Given the
apparent variability in perspective of Educated open-minded individual’s’ who are seeking
progress, and the attitudes of some conservative religious scholars and old traditions which
resist any move forward it is difficult to predict. Until then women’s issues will be at the centre
of conflict between modernity and tradition.
Last edited by Levi; Aug 18, 2019 at 02:11 AM.
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Great application, accepted!

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إد هو العاهرة
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The board has reviewed your case and they think, and I quote, "damn he's one handsome lad, very cool, nice balls ahah". You are exactly what we're looking for in an employee. When would you like to start?